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The absence of a lower town in the narrative histories of Tepe Gawra coupled with the complexity exhibited at the site has prompted scholars to challenge unilinear models of complexity focused on urbanism. Indeed, the presence or absence of a lower town is central to the notion that Gawra was a regional center dependent on its intra and interregional networks rather than the mobilization of an internal workforce.

Figure 2: Olive orchard around the mound of Tepe Gawra (in the background).

With the kind permission of the SBAH office in Mosul, we had the chance to visit the site on October 1st 2021. The question heading to the site was whether or not the site had a lower town. we were extremely excited to discover a dense scatter of sherds at the lower town, and from what could be observed, many seemed to date to the Late Chalcolithic period. This realization prompted us to apply for the permit to conduct surface survey around the main mound of Tepe Gawra.

The aim of this work at Tepe Gawra was, first, to document and record the full expanse of the settlement beyond the mounded tell area, and to develop a detailed understanding of the occupation history of the lower town. Second, with the expanse of olive orchards around the main mound (fig.2), field investigation of the lower town is an essential undertaking at such an important heritage site in Iraq.

Method
Our approach consisted of combining remote sensing data with field walking to obtain a clearer picture on the cultural and physical surroundings of the site and to document its current state of preservation. Prior to our work in the field, we explored the landscape around the site using satellite imagery (Corona, Keyhole, and Landsat) for two main goals. First, examining corona satellite imagery, has the potential to reveal the presence of anthropogenic soils and, in turn, the extent of human occupation around the site (fig.3). Second, exploring the changes that took place at the site between the late 1960’s and present day.

From the legacy satellite imagery, we were able to define a number of features that were otherwise invisible both on the ground and in more recent satellite imagery. From corona imagery, we were able to identify two smaller tells adjacent to the main mound of Tepe Gawra; A first northern tell (fig.4) that was separated from the main mound by a stream. This tell was already indicated in one of Speiser’s early topographic maps of the area (Speiser 1927: fig.2). A second feature was an eastern mound faintly visible only in the corona imagery. There was also a trace of a stream running east of the mound. This stream separated the main mound of Tepe Gawra from the above-mentioned eastern mound (fig.4). Corona and keyhole imagery allowed us to identify, based on soil color and relief, what we believed was the extent of the lower town, and which in turn guided our selection of survey zones (fig.3).

Figure 5: DEM of Tepe Gawra

In the field, we conducted a UAV (drone) survey of the site in order to obtain a high-resolution digital elevation model (DEM) and render a 3D model of the Tell and its surroundings (fig.5). This was an important initial step that aims to create an accurate plan of the site and to document its present condition, and assess any possible future threats to it. Our second step was to lay out a collection grid around the site as a precursor to our systematic surface collection of the lower town. The grid contained collection units spaced at regular intervals (50 m) immediately around the tell (fig.6).

Preliminary Results

1-Damage Assessment

Figure 7: Arial photo showing damages to Tepe Gawra.

Both the main mound and the lower town at Tepe Gawra have been subject to anthropogenic disturbances. Chronologically, the initial impact on the settlement resulted from the excavations carried out in the 1930’s (Speiser 1935). The site is believed to be at least 7m higher than its current elevation with several levels completely removed (Levels I-IX). After Level X the site was divided into two parts with excavations focusing exclusively on the northeastern portion of the tell. As such, piles of dirt from the excavations were dumped along the slopes of the mound causing an artificial swelling along the edges and slopes of the mound. We were able to document these dumping piles along the different slopes of the mound (fig.7).

Figure 8: The Dirt Embankment Around the Base of the Mound.

The main mound of Tepe Gawra in addition to the lower town were also impacted by farming activities. Farming activities consisted primarily of the planting of olive orchards around the site (fig.2). According to local farmers the orchard was planted roughly 30 years ago, this coincides with the destabilization of the country and the weakening of the central authorities during the first Gulf War. The olive groves and the infrastructural developments related to them have certainly damaged the lower town extensively. First, clear bulldozing took place at the foot of the main mound in order to level that area and prepare it for agriculture. The majority of the dirt was pushed towards the mound forming a low embankment along the majority of the mound’s circumference (fig.8). Second, the act of planting the trees, and plowing the land, in addition to the irrigation systems associated with them (including lines of watering tubes buried in the ground and running between the trees) churned up large swaths of the lower town at Tepe Gawra. Finally, the construction of a number of farm houses, rest areas, and water collection basins with the orchard impacted the lower town significantly (empty squares in figure 6 were not surveyed primarily due to the presence of such features). All these factors make excavations of the lower town near impossible making this survey all the more important. A further complication to studying the lower town and its surrounding is the construction of a road between Khorsabad and Bashiqa that ran through the eastern mound, leading to its complete removal.

2-Lower Town Remains
In total, we surveyed 187 50x50m units, in addition to 5 large external units (see fig.6). within these units we counted 43895 sherds (fig.10), and a total of 904 chipped stone artifacts (fig.11). Almost 40% of the materials were made from clear obsidian with a greenish hue, while 55% were made from flint. Of note, we documented a total of 6 Canaanean looking blades on our survey. Their distribution seems to be confined to the northeast area of the survey region, including Zone 3 East and the squares (M5, M6, and M7) adjacent to it. This is of note since Canaanean blades made from lever pressure are characteristic of Late Chalcolithic lithic assemblages and ours were all found in conjunction with Late Chalcolithic pottery.

In terms of occupational history, the team was able to document the stages of development at the site where a clear expansion from the main mound clearly began during the Late Chalcolithic 1 period (4600-4200 BC) and continued through to the Late Chalcolithic 3 period (3900-3600 BC) to at which point the site was abandoned until the Ninevite 5 period (3100-2800 BC). During the late Chalcolithic the site expands from roughly 4 ha. (Ubaid Middle Chalcolithic period, 5300-4600 BC) to 9 ha. during the LC1, and later, to 15 ha. during the LC2 and 3 (fig.12). Further, the team was able to isolate a number of distinct activity areas (e.g. pottery making) dating to these periods (fig.13). All this implied that rather than being an isolated small center exclusively reliant on far-flung inter and intraregional networks, Tepe Gawra was going through similar processes of urban expansion, social differentiation, and economic specialization that were occurring at other sites in the region, albeit within its own local trajectory.

3-Outreach

Figure 15: Workshop carried out at Qadisiya University by members of the Tepe Gawra Survey Project (From left): Khaled Abu Jayyab, Arno Glasser, Abbas al-Hussainy, and Ira Schwartz.

Another important aspect of the project was to foster close cooperation with local institutes and members of the community. This approach is taken as part of the steps in reforming and decolonizing excavation and survey in Iraq as outlined by Jotheri (2022). Accordingly, the project emphasized the training of members of the SBAH involved. Moreover, following the season members of the project held a workshop at Qadisiya University in Diwaniya, organized by Prof. Abbas al-Hussainy, pertaining to the work at Tepe Gawra, and analytical work on ceramics, lithics, and survey methodology. The workshop was open to faculty, students, and members of the public alike (fig.15).

The season’s work at Tepe Gawra was a resounding success despite the tight schedule. This would not have been possible without the financial support provided by the ��ñ���� Mesopotamia Fellowship, and the CRANE project (University of Toronto), In addition to the guidance, motivation, and logistical support provided by Prof. Timothy Harrison (NMC) and Prof. Abbas Al-Hussainy (Qadisiya University). Finally, the work would not have been possible without the monumental efforts of the Tepe Gawra survey team (fig.16), Dr. Stephen Batiuk (NMC, University of Toronto), Dr. Abbas al-Hussainy (Ira Schwartz, Arno Glasser (both U of T, Anthropology, University of Toronto), Hossam Hadi, Abdul Ghani Jbori, and Ahmad Najar (SBAH), whom all put in extra shifts to ensure the data was processed on time and in a scientific manner. The success of this work would not have been possible without them.